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A Practitioner's Guide
to
the First Amendment Defense in
Hostile Environment Harassment Cases
By Eugene Volokh
Bio email
and Ann Swartzberg Wexler*
(reprinted from Calif. Labor & Employment Law Quarterly, Fall 1998, at 20, and Employment Law Counselor, July 15, 1999, at 2)
[Please see http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass or http://volokh.com for many more details on the matters that are briefly discussed here.]
Your client has come to you for advice. One of his employees has complained about several incidents that she claims are sexually harassing.
First, she overheard a male employee say to his co-workers at lunch that
"the world was better off when women stayed home with their kids."
Some other lunch conversations have at times expressed similarly sexist
political views. Second, she's often overheard sexually themed political
jokes around the copier; a few years ago, they were about Bill Clinton and
Monica Lewinsky, including comments such as "they should rename it the
'oral' office" and "that's why they call him 'head' of state,"
but as time moves on, they change to whatever the most recent sexual or
political scandal might be. The sales staff, male and female, loves these
bad puns, and though she's said that she finds the puns offensive, they tell her
"If you don't like them, don't listen to them."[1] Finally, she is
especially offended by a print of Manet's Le Déjeuner sur l'herbe, which
depicts a nude woman picnicking with two clothed men, hanging on a coworker's
office door.[2]
Your client doubts that the employee would sue while she's still at work, but
he's afraid that she might quit -- as she's threatened to -- and then sue. Also,
the business is quite volatile, and the client might have to lay off the
employee (as well as several others); he knows that such terminations often lead
to lawsuits that allege, among other things, harassment. What should I do,
he asks you? Given the First Amendment, may I really be punished for
tolerating my employees' speech?
You may be surprised to learn that your client's instincts are correct, and that
a First Amendment argument should be a big part of his defense. Courts are
beginning to recognize that, under workplace harassment law, the government is
seriously restricting speech in private workplaces. Consider the Fifth
Circuit's opinion in DeAngelis v. El Paso Mun. Police Officers' Ass'n:[3]
Where pure expression is involved, Title VII steers into the territory of the
First Amendment. It is no use to deny or minimize this problem because,
when Title VII is applied to sexual harassment claims founded solely on verbal
insults, pictorial, or literary matter, the statute imposes content-based,
viewpoint-discriminatory restrictions on speech.
Management lawyers need
to know how to raise a First Amendment defense in harassment claims that are,
even in part, based on speech; and plaintiffs' lawyers need to anticipate this
argument.
Our concern is the second type of harassment: speech or conduct that is
"severe or pervasive" enough to create a "hostile or abusive work
environment" based on race, religion, sex, national origin, disability, or
veteran status (and in some jurisdictions, sexual orientation, political
affiliation, citizenship status, marital status, or personal appearance), for
the plaintiff and for a reasonable person.[6]
* One court said that
co-workers' use of job titles such as "foreman" and
"draftsman" may constitute sexual harassment.[8]
* A Kentucky human rights
agency has gotten a company to change its "Men Working" signs (at a
cost of more than $35,000) on the theory that the signs "perpetuat[e] a
discriminatory work environment. . . ."[9]
* Another court has
characterized an employee's hanging "pictures of the Ayatollah Khome[i]ni
and a burning American flag in Iran in her own cubicle" as
"national-origin harassment" of an Iranian employee who saw the
pictures.[10]
* A state court has found
that it was religious harassment for an employer to put religious articles in
its employee newsletter and Bible verses on its paychecks.[11]
* A state commission found
a hostile environment based solely on off-color jokes and cartoons
displayed in the workplace, even though none of the jokes were said specifically
to the complainant, none referred to her, and the cartoons weren't even sexist
or misogynist.[12]
* A painting by a local
female artist of a partially nude woman was taken down from the City Hall in
Murfreesboro, Tennessee, on the City Attorney's advice, because an employee
complained: "I personally find 'art' in any form whether it be a
painting, a Greek statue or a picture out of Playboy . . . to be pornographic
and, in this instance, very offensive and degrading to me as a woman."[13]
* A county banned computer
access to sexual material in its public libraries on the grounds that such
material would constitute sexual harassment of library patrons and
employees who happen to glance at it.[14]
And because the law is so
indefinite, many employers err on the side of caution; vagueness predictably
requires people "to 'steer far wider of the unlawful zone' than if the
boundaries of the forbidden areas were clearly marked."[15]
Furthermore, the "severe or pervasive" threshold provides little
comfort to an employer deciding what speech may be tolerated and what must be
suppressed (even though it does help employers defending against a lawsuit
that's actually filed[16]).
No employer can tell its employees: "Each of you may tell sexual
jokes or express offensive political views so long as the aggregate of what you
and your coworkers say isn't so 'severe or pervasive' that it creates a
'hostile, abusive, or offensive work environment.'" The only way the
employer can prevent potential liability is by forbidding even individual
instances of speech that, when aggregated, would create a hostile environment.
We see this in many court orders, which, like employer policies, are aimed at preventing
(rather than just punishing) hostile environments. Thus, one court
ordered an employer and its employees to "refrain from any racial,
religious, ethnic, or other remarks or slurs contrary to their fellow employees'
religious beliefs,"[17]
without mentioning a severity or pervasiveness requirement. Another
injunction prohibited "derogatory bulletins, cartoons, and other written
material" and "any racial, ethnic, or religious slurs whether in the
form of 'jokes,' 'jests,' or otherwise."[18]
A third ordered the employer and employees to "cease and desist from . . .
racial harassment in the workplace including, but not limited to, any and all
offensive conduct and speech implicating considerations of race."[19]
Likewise, we see this in advice given by government agencies and employment
experts:
* An article called Telling
Jokes in the Workplace Can Be Dangerous advises: "'Don't say or
do anything that can be remotely interpreted as sexual/sexist [note the
implication that the two have become indistinguishable] in nature to anyone near
or at work.' If you follow these guidelines you have nothing to be afraid
of."[20]
* An article called Watch
What You Say, or Be Ready to Pay says: "Be aware that offensive
comments may translate into megabuck liability. Any disparaging comments
or joking references concerning an employee's age, sex, race, religion or
national origin can put your company on a fast track to court. . . "[21]
* An official U.S.
Department of Labor pamphlet likewise defines "harassment" as
including cases where "[s]omeone made sexual jokes or said sexual things
that you didn't like."[22]
* The Maryland Commission
on Human Relations says, in a pamphlet entitled Preventing Sexual Harassment:
A Fact Sheet for Employees: "Because the legal boundaries are so
poorly marked, the best course of action is to avoid all sexually offensive
conduct in the workplace."[23]
With harassment law, the
government pressures employers to suppress even individual incidents of
offensive speech.
In DeAngelis, we noted the yet unresolved dilemma facing courts
adjudicating claims at the intersection of Title VII and the First Amendment. .
. . Supreme Court precedent in this area provides little guidance
concerning whether conduct targeted for its expressive content . . . may be
regulated under Title VII.
We cite other such cases
in the endnote.[26]
Though some other decisions have rejected a free speech defense, they have
usually done so without discussion.[27]
The Supreme Court has not decided this question; the Court's harassment cases
haven't dealt with the First Amendment argument.[28]
In R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, the Court did say, in dictum, that:
[A] particular content-based subcategory of a proscribable class of
speech can be swept up incidentally within the reach of a statute directed at
conduct rather than speech. Sexually derogatory "fighting
words," among other words, may produce a violation of Title VII's
general prohibition against sexual discrimination in employment practices.
Where the government does not target conduct on the basis of its expressive
content, acts are not shielded from regulation merely because they express a
discriminatory idea or philosophy. [Emphases added.][29]
But, as the Fifth Circuit
noted, this tells us very little:
Whether . . . applications of title VII [to protected speech rather than to
proscribable speech] are necessarily unconstitutional has not yet been fully
explored. The Supreme court's offhand pronouncements are unilluminating.
(Footnote: The Court's [R.A.V. decision] does not that mean that
Title VII trumps First Amendment speech rights.)[30]
R.A.V.'s
limitation to proscribable classes of speech leaves unresolved the
question of liability for speech -- such as political statements, religious
proselytizing, jokes, and art -- that is constitutionally protected.
In the absence of government action, of course, private employers may restrict
employees' speech with no First Amendment difficulties, and even fire employees
for speech that's otherwise protected against government censorship, such as
profanity or political speech. Likewise, private newspaper publishers may
restrict what their columnists write, private commercial landlords may restrict
the signs their lessees put up or the books the lessees sell, and private
householders may restrict what their guests say at the dinner table.[33] But this doesn't
mean than the government can, through threat of liability, pressure publishers,
landlords, householders or employers to restrict people's speech.
Employers may resist such pressure by raising employees' First Amendment rights
as defense to a harassment suit.[34]
1.
Workplace Speech
There is no exception to the First Amendment for government restrictions on the
speech of private workers. NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co. made clear
that workplace speech is generally protected from government restriction by the
Free Speech Clause, so long as the speech doesn't contain a "threat of
reprisal or promise of benefit" by the employer or a union.[36]
And this must be so: If, for instance, Congress tried to bar private employees
from criticizing the war effort, or from saying things critical of returning
soldiers, surely the law would be unconstitutional even if applied only to
workplace speech. Likewise for speech that expresses offensive views on
religious, racial, or sexual issues.
The government acting as employer does of course have broad power to restrict
its own employees' speech, but this rule is completely inapplicable to
government restrictions on speech in private workplaces. The
government employee speech doctrine is based on the theory that "the State
has interests as an employer in regulating the speech of its employees that
differ significantly from those it possesses in connection with regulation of
the speech of the citizenry in general."[37]
Harassment law is imposed by the government acting as sovereign, not by the
government acting as employer; the rules for the two contexts are radically
different.[38]
Nor can harassment law fit into the "time, place, and manner" doctrine
on the theory that it focuses on the "secondary effects" of speech,
and is thus "justified without reference to the content of the regulated
speech."[41]
The Court has many times held that the "direct impact that speech has on
its listeners [--] the emotive impact of speech on its audience [--] is not a
'secondary effect.'"[42] Harassment law,
which is justified by the desire to prevent offensive work environments for the
targets of harassment, is therefore content-based.
Similarly, it can't be defended by arguing that harassment law restricts the
"conduct" of harassment rather than speech,[46]
any more than one can defend overbroad libel laws or sedition laws by arguing
that they restrict "libel, not speech," or "sedition, not
speech": The law is restricting speech, even when it calls it
harassment -- the First Amendment clearly applies, and the question is whether this
restriction falls within one of the First Amendment exceptions.
Furthermore, the Court has rejected content-based speech restrictions, even when
aimed at shielding captive audiences in the home.[48]
Content-based captive audience restrictions have only been allowed in the
special areas of profanity in broadcasting, government-owned non-public forum
property and (possibly) mailings into the house.[49]
Even in Pacifica, where a content-based ban was upheld, the court
stressed the need for viewpoint neutrality:[50]
the fact that society may find speech offensive is not a sufficient reason for
suppressing it . . . . For it is a central tenet of the First Amendment
that the government must remain neutral in the marketplace of ideas. If
there were any reason to believe that the Commission's characterization of the
Carlin monologue as offensive could be traced to its political content . . .
First Amendment protection might be required.
Harassment law often
punishes speech precisely because of its political content -- in our hypothetical,
for example, the coworker's comments on working mothers would have been
acceptable if he had instead praised the advances made by women.
The response is that people spend more of their waking hours at work than
anywhere else except (possibly) their homes. Most Americans don't go to
public demonstrations, or burn flags, or get much media time, but they do talk
about current affairs with their coworkers. Some of these opinions might
offend members of one of the growing number of protected groups, but the
government has no business censoring this speech.
Moreover, a workplace exception would be remarkably broad, since every place is
someone's workplace: Universities, public buildings, libraries, parks, and
bookstores all contain employees. If a legitimate artwork can be banned in
a city hall, why can't it be banned in a restaurant, where it might offend the
waiter? Or for that matter, a museum, where offended janitors might be
confronted with it every night? If offensive reading material can be
banned from a firehouse, why not from a bookstore or a library? Why
couldn't religiously or racially offensive speech be barred from a park or a
street, where custodians or street vendors might be exposed to it?[52]
Consider also that harassment law requires employers to shield their workers
from offensive speech and conduct by patrons as well as by co-workers.
This means that -- as employment experts have already pointed out to employers
-- harassment law can silence us even when we're telling religious jokes
to our friends in a restaurant,[53] or looking at possibly
offensive material at a library computer.[54]
The First Amendment seems to prohibit such broad, content- and viewpoint-based
governmental speech restrictions.
Likewise, we do think it's proper to create one new, limited exception to First
Amendment protection -- epithets or similar insults said to a single unwilling
listener shouldn't be protected. This sort of one-to-one unwanted speech
is likely only to annoy and offend, not persuade or edify; and, most
importantly, the law can restrict it without suppressing speech that reaches
other, potentially willing listeners.[56] Allowing such a
limited new exception to the First Amendment wouldn't threaten core free speech
values: It won't give the offended listener a heckler's veto over
one-to-many communications -- such as lunchroom conversations, posters on office
doors, department-wide e-mail, or articles in a company newsletter -- that reach
other coworkers who might well want to hear.
This distinction between one-to-one and one-to-many speech is supported by
existing First Amendment exceptions. Face-to-face, one-to-one insults that
are likely to cause a fight can generally be banned, even though similar words
communicated to the world at large on a jacket cannot be.[57]
A householder has veto power over the mail he gets, but this power doesn't
prevent the mailer from sending messages to others.[58]
Likewise, this distinction between one-to-one speech and other speech may
justify the prohibitions on unwanted telephone calls, which have been largely
upheld by lower courts.[59]
1. Most clearly, even if a court holds that harassment law is
substantively constitutional, a defendant is entitled to de novo
appellate review.[61]
Instead of giving the usual deference to the lower court's finding that the
speech was "severe or pervasive" enough to create a "hostile or
offensive" work environment, the appellate court would have to decide the
matter for itself, thus giving the defendant a second chance. This is the
standard rule applied for all speech restrictions, even one that are
substantively valid, such as libel laws, obscenity laws, and so on.
2. The Free Speech Clause also generally bans strict liability based on
speech, because such liability would unduly chill speakers -- this is black-letter
law for other speech restrictions, including libel, obscenity, and even child
pornography. The defendant may argue that such a rule must apply to
harassment cases in which state laws impose strict liability where the hostile
environment is created by a supervisor.[62]
3. Liability in libel cases and civil obscenity cases must be proven by
clear and convincing evidence rather than by a preponderance of the evidence, to
decrease the likelihood that protected speech will be erroneously restricted.[63]
Again, you can also make this argument for harassing speech, even if a court
concludes that harassing speech (like libel and obscenity) is substantively
unprotected.
4. Punitive damages aren't allowed in libel cases -- even if compensatory
damages are -- unless there's a showing that defendant actually knew that the
speech was false, or at least acted recklessly.[64]
The same rule, which is justified by the concern that allowing punitives will
cause the law to overreach and chill even protected speech, may apply in perhaps
invasion of privacy and negligent publication cases.[65]
The defendant can argue that it should likewise apply to harassment cases.
5. Even if a court decides that harassing workplace speech is not
protected by the First Amendment, the prior restraint doctrine would limit the
court's ability to punish and enjoin speech that doesn't actually amount to
harassment. The court could not preliminarily enjoin isolated bigoted
statements, since such statements by themselves aren't severe or pervasive
enough to create a hostile work environment; under prior restraint doctrine,
such overly broad injunctions that sweep protected speech together with
unprotected speech are unconstitutional. Even if harassing speech is
unprotected, any judicial injunctions against harassment must be limited to
speech that actually creates a hostile environment, not to isolated statements
that may not be harassment at all.[66]
In fact, some state constitutions, such as the California Constitution, are even
more hostile to prior restraints than the U.S. Constitution;[67]
under them, any speech-restricting injunction in harassment cases may be
invalid.
And the vagueness and breadth of most harassment law makes it ripe for
constitutional attack. The law has begun to suppress speech that is
protected in almost all other arenas -- political speech, religious comments,
legitimate art, and just about any reference to sex. Courts are beginning
to recognize this suppression as problematic under the First Amendment, and
lawyers on both sides of the issue need to be aware of the constitutional
arguments which may be central to many workplace harassment cases.
* Eugene Volokh teaches constitutional
law at UCLA Law School, and has written five law review articles and several
op-eds on the freedom of speech and workplace harassment law; his work on
the subject is collected at http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass.
Ann Swarzburg Wexler is a student at UCLA Law School. We thank the
Labor & Employment Law Section of the State Bar of California for
providing the grant that supported this work.
[1]. See, e.g., Dernovich v. City of Great Falls, Mont. Hum.
Rts. Comm'n No. 9401006004 (Nov. 28, 1995) (imposing harassment liability
based entirely on sexually themed humor that wasn't directed at the
plaintiff but was just overheard by her); http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/breadth.htm#JOKES
(collecting many other incidents); Eugene Volokh, What
Speech Does "Hostile Work Environment" Harassment Law Restrict?,
85 Geo. L.J. 627, 633 (1997) (likewise).
[2]. See Nat Hentoff, Sexual Harassment by Francisco Goya,
Wash. Post, Dec. 27, 1991, at A21 (college administrators remove Goya's Naked
Maja from a classroom after a professor complained that it constituted
harassment). See also Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards, Inc.,
760 F. Supp. 1486, 1542 (M.D. Fla. 1991) (enjoining all pictures in which
the model "is posed for the obvious purpose of displaying . . . private
portions of his or her body"); http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/breadth.htm#ART
(collecting many such incidents); Eugene Volokh, Freedom
of Speech and Workplace Harassment, 39 UCLA L. Rev. 1791, 1859-61
(1992).
[4]. The standards for harassment under these laws (and under other
antidiscrimination statutes, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1966, 42 U.S.C.
§ 1981, and 42 U.S.C. § 1983 claims against state and local government
employers) are generally identical. See, e.g., Kelly-Zurian v.
Wohl Shoe Co., Inc., 22 Cal. App. 4th 397, 409, 27 Cal. Rptr. 2d 457, 462
(1994) (following Title VII standards in California Fair Employment and
Housing Act case); Volokh, supra note 2, 39 UCLA L. Rev. at 1800-01
(describing federal standards).
[6]. See, e.g., Harris v. Forklift Sys., Inc., 510 U.S. 17,
21-22 (1993) (holding that Title VII bars harassment based on race,
religion, sex, or national origin); Eggleston v. South Bend Community Sch.
Corp., 858 F. Supp. 841, 847-48 (N.D. Ind. 1994) (holding that federal law
bans harassment based on age and disability); Petersen v. Department of the
Interior, 71 M.S.P.R. 227, 235, 237 (1996) (holding that 38 U.S.C. § 4311
prohibits veteran status harassment); Leibert v. Transworld Sys., Inc., 32
Cal. App. 4th 1693, 39 Cal. Rptr. 2d 65, 67 (1995) (holding that state law
bars harassment based on sexual orientation); Cal. Gov't Code § 12940(h)(1)
(West 1992 & Supp. 1995) (barring discrimination and therefore
harassment based on marital status); D.C. Code Ann. § 1-2512 (1981 &
Supp. 1988) (likewise as to "marital status, personal appearance,
sexual orientation, family responsibilities, matriculation, disability, or
political affiliation"); N.Y. City Admin. Code & Charter §
8-107(a) (Supp. 1996) (likewise as to "alienage or citizenship
status"); Seattle, Wash., Code § 14.04.040 (1986) (likewise as to
"political ideology").
[7]. See generally http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/breadth.htm;
Volokh, supra note 1, 85 Geo. L.J. at 627.
[8]. Tunis v. Corning Glass Works, 747 F. Supp. 951, 959 (S.D.N.Y.
1990), aff'd without opinion, 930 F.2d 910 (2d Cir. 1991).
Though the court ultimately held for the employer, it did so only because
the employer took prompt action to remedy the situation. The case also
involved some pinups, and some catcalls and whistles directed at the
plaintiff, but the judge specifically mentioned that co-workers' use of
gender-based job titles was itself a "discriminatory . . .
practice," and strongly implied that an employer that continued to let
its employees use gender-based language could be liable.
[10]. Pakizegi v. First Nat'l Bank, 831 F. Supp. 901, 908 (D. Mass.
1993) (dictum) (also describing this as "discriminatory, anti-Iranian
conduct"), aff'd without opinion, 56 F.3d 59 (1st Cir. 1995).
[13]. Jennifer Goode, It's Art vs.
Sexual Harassment, The Tennessean (Nashville), Mar. 1, 1996, at 1A.
[16]. Courts sometimes assert that a few mild incidents won't rise to
the level of harassment, though much depends on the particular incident and
the particular court. See, e.g., Taylor v. Metzger, 1998 N.J.
Lexis 92, at *35 (Sup. Ct. Feb. 18, 1998) (finding that a single racist
epithet can constitute conduct severe or pervasive enough to be actionable
as racial harassment: "one slur . . . does not, as a matter of law,
preclude the conduct from being extreme or outrageous"); Editorial, Sex
Harassment Law -- What Are the Rules?, S.F. Chron., Apr. 12, 1998,
editorial sec., at 6 ("Employers who have followed sexual harassment
law know that one incident can very well meet the threshold for a hostile
work environment.").
[20]. Sue Morem, Telling Jokes in the Workplace Can Be Dangerous,
Star Trib. (Minneapolis), Feb. 4, 1997, at 2D.
[21]. Geanne P. Rosenberg, Watch What You Say, or Be Ready to Pay,
Investor's Bus. Daily, Nov. 6, 1996, at A1.
[23]. Maryland Commission on Human Relations, Preventing Sexual
Harassment: A Fact Sheet for Employees (1994).
[24]. See R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377 (1992)
(bigoted speech constitutionally protected); Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S.
444 (1969) (same); Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15 (1971) (profanity
protected); Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205 (1975) (public
displays of sexually suggestive material protected); Cantwell v.
Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940) (offensive religious proselytizing
protected).
[26]. See DeAngelis, supra, 51 F.3d at 596-97 &
nn.6-7; see also Baliko v. Stecker, 275 N.J. Super. 182, 645 A.2d
1218 (1994); Henderson v. City of Murfreesboro, 960 F. Supp. 1292 (M.D.
Tenn. 1997); Johnson v. County of Los Angeles Fire Dep't., 865 F. Supp. 1430
(C.D. Cal. 1994).
[27]. See, e.g., Berman v. Washington Times Corp., 1994 WL
750274 (D.D.C.); Baty v. Willamette Industries, Inc., 172 F.3d 1232 (10th
Cir. 1999). See also Venters v. City of Delphi, 123 F.3d 956
(7th Cir. 1997) (acknowledging "that there may be some tension between
the rights that [an employee] enjoys under . . . Title VII and [an offensive
supervisor's] First Amendment rights," but holding that there was no
First Amendment violation in the particular case, which involved one-to-one
speech directed at the offended employee); compare Aguilar v. Avis
Rent A Car Sys., Inc., 21 Cal. 4th 121 (1999) (upholding, with 4 votes, on
narrow grounds an injunction against harassing speech) with id.
(three Justices dissenting, and concluding that the injunction violated the
First Amendment) and Avis Rent A Car Sys., Inc. v. Aguilar, 120 S.
Ct. 2029 (2000) (Thomas, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari)
(suggesting that the injunction violated the First Amendment). The one
case besides Aguilar that has rejected a free speech analysis with
some detailed discussion is Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards, 760 F. Supp.
1486 (M.D. Fla. 1991).
[28]. Cases are not, of course, precedents for issues they haven't
considered. Waters v. Churchill, 511 U.S. 661, 678 (1994) (plurality);
see also, e.g., Howard Jarvis Taxpayers' Ass'n v. Fresno Metro.
Projects Auth., 40 Cal. App. 4th 1359, 1393, 48 Cal. Rptr. 2d 269, 291
(1996).
[31]. It's black-letter First Amendment law that even civil lawsuits
based on speech implicate the First Amendment. See, e.g., New
York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964) (libel); NAACP v. Claiborne
Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886 (1982) (intentional interference with business
advantage); Hustler Magazine v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46 (1988) (intentional
infliction of emotional distress).
[32]. The Court has recognized the distinction between what a private
employer can do to the employee and what the government can force the
employer to do. See, e.g., Peterson v. City of Greenville, 373
U.S. 244, 247, 248 (1963) (finding unconstitutional a city ordinance which
required restaurants to be segregated, because imposing the requirement on
restaurant owners violated the equal protection rights of patrons); Truax v.
Raich, 239 U.S. 33 (1915) (finding unconstitutional a state law requiring
that at least 80% of each employer's employees be native-born citizens or
qualified electors, because imposing the requirement on employers violated
the equal protection rights of employees).
[35]. See generally http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/substanc.htm;
Volokh, supra note 2, 39 UCLA L. Rev. at 1819-62.
[38]. See Waters v. Churchill, 511 U.S. 661, 671 (1994); Civil
Service Comm'n v. Letter Carriers, 413 U.S. 548, 564 (1973); Pickering v.
Board of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 568 (1968).
[39]. See, among very many cases, Pacific Gas & Elec. Co. v.
Public Util. Comm'n, 475 U.S. 1,20 (1986) ("[f]or a time, place, or
manner regulation to be valid, it must be neutral as to the content of the
speech"); Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public Serv. Comm'n, 447 U.S. 530,
536 (1980) ("a constitutionally permissible time, place, or manner
restriction may not be based upon either the content or subject matter of
speech").
[40]. But see Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyard, Inc., 760 F.
Supp. 1486, 1535 (M.D. Fla. 1991) (arguing that harassment law is a valid
time, place, and manner regulation).
[41]. City of Renton v. Playtime Theatres, Inc., 475 U.S. 41, 48
(1986) (emphasis and internal quotation marks omitted).
[42]. Boos v. Barry, 485 U.S. 312, 321 (1988); see also Reno v.
ACLU, 117 S. Ct. 2329, 2342 (1997); R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S.
377, 394 (1992); Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement, 505 U.S. 123, 134
(1992); Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 411-12 (1989).
[44]. See, e.g., Perry Educ. Ass'n v. Perry Local Educators'
Ass'n, 460 U.S. 37, 45-46 (1983) (classifying public fora into three types,
all of them public property); Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public Serv.
Comm'n, 447 U.S. 530, 540 (1980) ("[T]he Commission's attempt to
restrict the free expression of a private party cannot be upheld by reliance
upon precedent that rests on the special interests of a government in
overseeing the use of its property."); Metromedia, Inc. v. City of San
Diego, 453 U.S. 490, 514 n.19 (1981) (same).
[45]. See, e.g., Wisconsin v. Mitchell, 508 U.S. 476, 489
(1993); Street v. New York, 394 U.S. 576, 594 (1969); Haupt v. United
States, 330 U.S. 631, 641 (1947) (pro-Nazi statements during World War II
used as evidence that conduct was intended to help the Nazis, and thus
treasonous.) Similarly, a manager's racist statements could be used as
evidence that the firing of a subordinate was racially motivated -- the illegal
conduct being discriminatory firing, not the manager's speech.
[47]. See also Volokh, supra note 2, at 1832-43; http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/substanc.htm#CAPTIVE.
[49]. See FCC v. Pacifica Foundation, 438 U.S. 726 (1978)
(discussing radio broadcasting); Lehman v. City of Shaker Heights, 418 U.S.
298 (1974) (discussing nonpublic fora); Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public
Serv. Comm'n, 447 U.S. 530, 540 (1980) (stressing that Lehman is limited
to nonpublic fora -- "[T]he Commission's attempt to restrict the free
expression of a private party cannot be upheld by reliance upon precedent [(Lehman)]
that rests on the special interests of a government in overseeing the use of
its property."); Metromedia, Inc. v. City of San Diego, 453 U.S. 490,
514 n.19 (1981) (stressing that Lehman's prohibition of all political
speech "turned on [a] unique fact situation[] involving [a]
government-created forum[]"); Rowan v. United States Post Office Dep't,
397 U.S. 728, 736, 738 (1970) (discussing mailings into the home; stressing
that in practice this restriction ended up being content-neutral).
[50]. Pacifica, 438 U.S. 726, 745-46 (1978) (Stevens, J.); see
also Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public Serv. Comm'n, 447 U.S. 530, 548
(1980) (Stevens, J., concurring) ("[t]he fact that the offensive form
of some communication may subject it to appropriate regulation surely does
not support the conclusion that the offensive character of an idea can
justify an attempt to censor its expression").
[51]. This issue was decided in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware,
458 U.S. 886, 916 (1982). The NAACP and other defendants organized a
boycott of white-owned businesses, demanding various concessions. The
businesses sued, on a tort theory of intentional interference with
prospective business advantage, pointing to various behavior that interfered
with their business -- political statements exhorting solidarity, threats of
social ostracism of boycott violators, threats of violence, and even actual
violence. The state courts held for the businesses, concluding that,
in total, the behavior was tortious.
But the Court reversed. Violence, it held, was indeed constitutionally
unprotected; but much of the other behavior -- including threats of social
ostracism -- was constitutionally protected speech. And because the
"nonviolent elements . . . are entitled to the protection of the First
Amendment," they did not lose this protection just because of the
presence of unprotected behavior. While the plaintiffs were entitled
to sue based only on the unprotected behavior, they couldn't sue based on a
combination of the unprotected behavior and the protected speech. See
also Street v. New York, 394 U.S. 576, 590 (1969); http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/proc.htm#PART
(discussing this in detail).
[52]. See supra text accompanying notes 13 and 14; http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/substanc.htm#EVERYPLACE.
[55]. NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co., 395 U.S. 575, 618 (1969), made clear
that workplace speech is generally protected by the Free Speech clause so
long as the speech doesn't contain a "threat of reprisal or promise of
benefit" by the employer or a union.
[56]. Rowan v. Post Office Dept, 397 U.S. 728, 738 (1970) ("no
one has a right to press even 'good' ideas on an unwilling recipient").
[60]. See generally http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/proc.htm.
[61]. Under Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union, 466 U.S. 485 (1984), if the First Amendment is implicated at trial, then appellate courts must independently decide whether the offensive speech is indeed harassing. See Eugene Volokh, Freedom of Speech and Appellate Review in Workplace Harassment Cases, 90 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1009 (1996), available at http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh/harass/apprevie.htm.
[62]. See, e.g., Smith v. California, 361 U.S. 147 (1959)
(strict criminal liability for sales of obscene literature impermissible);
Manuel Enterprises, Inc. v. Day, 370 U.S. 478 (1962) (suggesting same for
civil penalties); New York Times, Inc. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964)
(rejecting strict liability for libel cases); New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S.
747 (1982) (suggesting strict liability is impermissible in child
pornography cases). But see Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v.
Greenmoss Builders, Inc., 472 U.S. 749 (1985) (seemingly leaving open
possibility of strict liability in private-concern libel cases).
[63]. Rosenbloom v. Metromedia Inc., 403 U.S. 29, 51-52 (1971); People
v. Mitchell Bros.' Santa Ana Theater, 180 Cal. Rptr. 728 (Cal. Ct. App.
1982).
[64]. Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323 (1974). But
see Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Greenmoss Builders, Inc., 472 U.S.
749, 760 (1985) (generally allowing punitive damages and presumed damages in
libel cases involving speech on a matter of purely private concern).
[65]. Braun v. Soldier of Fortune Magazine, Inc., 814 F.2d 1017, 1021
(5th Cir. 1987); Yakubowicz v. Paramount Pictures Corp., 536 N.E.2d 1067,
1071 (Mass. 1989); cf. Florida Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524, 541 n.9
(1989) (reserving judgment on whether punitive damages would be
impermissible in invasion of privacy cases).
[66]. Compare Aguilar v. Avis Rent A Car Sys., Inc., 21 Cal.
4th 121 (1999) (upholding, with 4 votes, on narrow grounds an injunction
against harassing speech) with id. (three Justices dissenting,
and concluding that the injunction violated the First Amendment) and
Avis Rent A Car Sys., Inc. v. Aguilar, 120 S. Ct. 2029 (2000) (Thomas, J.,
dissenting from denial of certiorari) (suggesting that the injunction
violated the First Amendment).
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